Der Matossian co-edits first in-depth study of Armenian Genocide camps

Nebraska Today
Nov 9, 2026

The Concentration Camps of the Armenian Genocide,” a 520-page volume co-edited by Bedross Der Matossian, will be published Oct. 29 by Bloomsbury Publishing.

Although scholarship on the Armenian Genocide has expanded significantly in recent decades, the concentration camp system established by Ottoman authorities, particularly in present-day Syria, remains insufficiently studied. This is the first volume to offer an in-depth and multifaceted examination of these camps. Its chapters trace the origins and development of the camp system and document the atrocities committed at sites such as Deir ez-Zor, Ras al-Ain, Meskene and elsewhere.

Der Matossian is the Elwood N. and Katherine Thompson Distinguished Professor of Modern World History at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. A Guggenheim Fellow, he is the author, editor or co-editor of nine books, including “Shattered Truths: Denial of Genocides in the Digital Age,” forthcoming from the University of Nebraska Press in fall 2026. He also serves as director of genocide research at the Zoryan Institute.

Co-editor Edita Gzoyan teaches at the American University of Armenia. She is a genocide studies scholar specializing in the legal and historical dimensions of the Armenian Genocide.

“This has been one of the most demanding projects we have undertaken,” Der Matossian and Gzoyan said. “One of the volume’s distinguishing features is that it brings together renowned experts and emerging scholars, including a substantial number of Armenia-based researchers. Over the course of three years, we worked closely with the contributors to ensure the scholarly quality and historical accuracy of each chapter. Repeatedly engaging with accounts of the suffering and violence endured by Armenians in these camps was difficult, but it also reinforced our commitment to documenting this understudied dimension of the genocide.”

Featuring 21 chapters by historians and social scientists from Armenia, France, Germany, United States, United Kingdom, Lebanon and Australia, the volume brings together diverse disciplinary and geographic perspectives. It also foregrounds survivors’ voices through memoirs and diaries that document their experiences of deportation and life in the camps. Literary reflections and biographical studies of Armenian and foreign individuals connected with the camps and humanitarian missions further enrich the volume’s interdisciplinary approach.

The contributors examine the experiences of deportees along deportation routes, in transit camps and in concentration camps; the geography and spatial organization of the camps; the brutal realities of daily life; the distribution of humanitarian assistance and the development of self-help mechanisms; interactions between deportees and local populations; moral and physical forms of resistance; and the experiences of children. The volume also considers Ottoman laws, decrees and administrative practices relating to the camps and situates the Armenian case within the broader comparative history of concentration camps and genocide.

“We consider this one of the most important books published in the field of Armenian Genocide studies in the past few years,” Der Matossian and Gzoyan said. “We hope that it will make a significant contribution to Armenian Genocide scholarship and encourage further research on the concentration camp system and what is often described as the second phase of the genocide.”

The book is part of the series “Armenians in the Modern and Early Modern World,” also edited by Der Matossian. The project was supported by the Friedman Fund, the Hymen Rosenberg Professorship and the Department of History at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln.

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Russia ready to turn screws on Armenia

EurasiaNet
Oct 7, 2026

Kremlin hints at using force to keep Yerevan in line.

Oct 7, 2026

Unable to persuade Armenia to abandon its efforts to join the European Union, Russia is now signaling that it is adopting a harder line.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan evidently is taking the menacing tone of recent Russian statements seriously. It appears the price of keeping the Kremlin at bay for now is the suspension of a nuclear cooperation deal with the United States and an accompanying commitment to have Rosatom, Russia’s nuclear energy entity, build Armenia’s next-generation reactor.

Armenia over the past two years has grown increasingly defiant of Russia, Yerevan’s traditional geopolitical overlord. Pashinyan’s government downgraded security ties with Moscow, while taking steps to reorient the Armenian economy away from the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) toward the European Union.

Russia presently is Armenia’s dominant trade partner and clearly does not want to lose its influence in the South Caucasus. Officials in Moscow have maintained that Yerevan cannot be a member of both the EAEU and EU, and have adopted a carrot-and-mostly-stick approach to steer Armenia back into a stable Russian orbit.

To pressure Armenia, Moscow has imposed bans on a variety of Armenian imports in apparent violation of the spirit of EAEU’s free-trade rules. Russian officials at the same time engaged in a fleeting charm offensive. Until recently, everything that Russia tried had failed to dissuade Pashinyan from pursuing EU accession.

But an autumn intimidation blitz by top Russian officials appears to have gotten Pashinyan’s attention.

On October 4, Dmitry Medvedev, the erstwhile Russian president who now is a member of Russia’s Security Council, issued a far-from-subtle threat that if Russia cannot get its way with peaceful means, it may consider a resort to force. 

“The current Armenian leadership decided it was right to change the direction of its development,” Medvedev said, referring to the Pashinyan government’s EU intentions. “I am certain that this, too, will lead to nothing good. The worst thing that could happen to Armenia is its transformation into a new Ukraine.”

Even with the Russian army bogged down in Ukraine, and the Russian economy in tatters as it struggles to absorb the costs of war, the Kremlin retains the means to wreak havoc in Armenia. The Russian military maintains about 5,000 combat-ready troops at a base outside Gyumri, Armenia’s second city. Moscow also controls the country’s energy and electricity supply systems.

Medvedev’s comments may have been designed to reinforce a message delivered in late September by Rosatom’s chief, Alexei Likhachev, whose visit to Yerevan was clearly aimed at reviving the company’s chances of securing a contract to build a new nuclear plant to replace the aging Metsamor facility. Citing a looming electricity deficit in the coming years in Armenia, Likhachev asserted that a large-scale Rosatom reactor was Yerevan’s best option to close the gap.

A state-aligned Russian media outlet also opined that Armenia’s opting for Rosatom “could contribute to improving Russian-Armenian relations.”

Since signing a nuclear cooperation pact with the United States during Vice President JD Vance’s February visit to Armenia, Pashinyan’s government had been leaning towards replacing Metsamor with one or more American-built small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs).

Likhachev’s sales pitch apparently contained an offer that Pashinyan found hard to refuse, however. A day after Likhachev’s departure from Yerevan, Pashinyan’s stance on the nuclear plant issue made an abrupt u-turn.

On October 1, Pashinyan seemed to parrot Likhachev’s position that SMRs would be insufficient to meet the country’s fast-growing electricity needs, given the government’s ambitions to transform the country in the South Caucasus’ digital hub. He added that a 1-megawatt plant based on Russian VVER-1000 technology might be a better solution. A final decision should be made in the coming months, Pashinyan indicated.

Pashinyan’s political position now stands to become increasingly complicated as he tries to thread a geopolitical needle, keeping Russia content while maintaining his pursuit of EU membership and a lasting peace with Azerbaijan.

On October 7, EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos offered encouragement for Armenia’s accession bid, telling journalists in Brussels that “Armenia is really moving a lot toward the European Union. At this point, it is the only country with which we are negotiating visa liberalization.”

Meanwhile, the Armenian government’s dissatisfaction with the EAEU shows no signs of easing. Pashinyan aired grievances about the EAEU during an October 2 Eurasian Intergovernmental Council session. 

“Restrictions and administrative barriers remain in place, which continue to significantly hamper the full and effective functioning of the single market,” the official Armenpress news agency quoted the prime minister as saying. He called for “constructive dialogue aimed at eliminating existing barriers to the export and transit of Armenian products in accordance with EAEU law.”

In the event that Yerevan hands the nuclear plant contract to Rosatom, it is difficult to predict how the Trump administration might respond. A fundamental building block of Armenia’s economic development strategy is TRIPP, a US-backed transit corridor project that is also the centerpiece of the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace process. Losing out on the nuclear plant contract could potentially diminish US interest in TRIPP’s development, or potentially prompt Washington to accelerate efforts to build out the transit route. At the same time, both Russia and Iran oppose TRIPP.

On October 1, Alexey Shevtsov, another member of Russia’s Security Council, assailed TRIPP as an initiative designed to establish an American military presence in Armenia.

“In Armenia, in full accordance with classical post-colonial models, yet another ‘state within a state’ is being established, of which Westerners created many in the former Soviet republics,” the Russian broadcaster RTV1 quoted Shevstov as saying.


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Armenia tightens residency requirements amidst EU visa liberalisation talks

OC Media
Oct 8, 2026


Armenia’s Internal Ministry has announced that from 1 November, the process of obtaining Armenian residence status will be digitalised and state fees for residence status will change. The ministry will also begin issuing new biometric identity documents in November amid visa liberalisation talks with the EU.

On Tuesday, EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos said that Armenia is moving towards Europe. She highlighted the ongoing collaboration with the country and stated that Armenia is the only country with which they are discussing visa liberalisation.

The latest moves are connected to the push for EU integration and are part of a number of significant administrative changes introduced by the government — which include an increase in fees to obtain a passport or citizenship. The state fee for temporary residence status will increase from ֏105,000 ($300) to ֏150,000 ($420). The fee for permanent residence status will increase from ֏140,000 ($390) to ֏250,000 ($700). The ministry says the changes are due to the introduction of a new biometric system and the need to modernise services for foreigners as well as to increase administrative efficiency.

The ministry has also set a fee of ֏30,000 ($80) for issuing a certificate certifying the legality of residence. The work visa application fee will be ֏15,000 ($40). Previously, both services were free. The fee is non-refundable if your residency application is rejected.

In recent years, Armenia has been at the recipient of several waves of immigration: including Russians and Ukrainians following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine; Iranians in the wake of the Iran-US war; and Indian migrant workers, attracted by a relatively easy residency process with no set financial requirements.

According to the new regulations, applicants submitting their documents digitally must provide proof of financial means. It will no longer be possible to obtain a five-year residence permit immediately. Instead, applicants will first be issued a one-year permit, after which they will be able to apply for a five-year permit following three years of continuous residence.

From November, Armenia will begin issuing new biometric identity documents, including passports and ID cards. The new biometric passports, which meet EU standards, will cost ֏28,650 ($80) instead of ֏25,000 ($70) and will be valid for 10 years. According to authorities, the new passports will improve document security, facilitate border crossings, and contribute to the free movement of Armenian citizens. The change is part of Armenia’s visa liberalisation process with the EU, which has been underway since September 2024.

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The EU requires countries to meet certain benchmarks before providing visa-free access to the Schengen area. Before its citizens received visa-free access to the EU, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine were tasked with meeting four blocks of requirements which tackled issues such as border management, migration and asylum, public order and security, and external relations and fundamental rights.

The Interior Ministry is also discussing adding new requirements in the new regulations of citizenship for ethnic Armenians. During a press briefing on August, acting Deputy Interior Minister Armen Ghazaryan talked about the necessity of introducing additional requirements because the country ‘has zero requirements for diaspora Armenians to acquire citizenship’, while the current migration flow and citizenship applications show that the Armenian passport is used mostly as a travel document by diaspora Armenians whenever their country of residence is in trouble.

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Opinion from Yerevan: Baku steps up pressure on Armenia with new tools

JAM News
Oct 6, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Statements by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev should be seen as a “public _expression_ of dissatisfaction with Nikol Pashinyan’s government”, according to political analyst Suren Surenyants.

Speaking at the eighth congress of the ruling New Azerbaijan Party, Aliyev said, among other things, that the blame should not be placed solely on Armenia’s former leadership.

“It is true that Armenia’s former leaders are war criminals and must be punished, but it was Armenia’s current government that made territorial claims against us and insulted the dignity of the Azerbaijani people with inappropriate and uncivilised statements. We must never forget this,” the president stressed.

Political analyst Suren Surenyants analysed what prompted the recent statements by Aliyev and his aide Hikmet Hajiyev, as well as Azerbaijan’s tougher rhetoric more broadly.

“Baku is effectively signalling that it is dissatisfied with the way Pashinyan is fulfilling his commitments and, if necessary, could use his previous positions and statements as an additional means of exerting pressure,” he said.


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‘We would like to make peace not only with the Armenian government, but with the Armenian people’

Against the backdrop of Aliyev’s tough statements, the head of the foreign policy department of the Azerbaijani presidential administration also addressed the peace agenda with Armenia. Speaking at the CAMCA Regional Forum in Baku, he said Azerbaijan intended to build a long-term architecture for peace:

“That is why we always say that we want to make this peace not only with the Armenian government and the country’s prime minister. We want to make peace with the Armenian people. And that is why we continue to expect changes to Armenia’s Constitution. Of course, this is an internal matter, and we fully refrain from interfering in this process.

“We are waiting for just one final step – amendments to Armenia’s Constitution concerning territorial claims against Azerbaijan. After that, I think the final peace agreement will become a reality.”

Baku is demanding amendments to Armenia’s Constitution as a precondition for signing a peace treaty. Azerbaijan argues that the document contains territorial claims. The Constitution itself contains no wording that could give rise to such concerns. However, it refers to the Declaration of Independence, which mentions the reunification of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.

A draft of Armenia’s new Constitution is currently under discussion. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has repeatedly said that it should not contain a reference to the Declaration of Independence. At the same time, he insists that constitutional change is something Armenia itself needs.

Political analyst Suren Surenyants notes that Armenia is building its entire policy around the peace agenda with Azerbaijan, while Azerbaijan, far from softening its rhetoric, has been toughening it in recent months:

“One possible explanation is that Azerbaijan is seeking to consolidate as quickly as possible the political gains resulting from the military advantage it achieved through the war, recognising that the current balance of power will not last forever.”

In his view, this interpretation is also supported by statements from the Azerbaijani president’s aide. In particular, he points to Hikmet Hajiyev’s remarks that a peace treaty will only be signed after Armenia changes its Constitution, despite peace having already been established:

“This is not a contradiction, but a division of labour. One formulation is intended for an international audience, while the other is addressed to Yerevan, reminding it of the need to fulfil its commitments.”

Surenyants also considers the statement about seeking peace not only with the Armenian government but also with the Armenian people noteworthy.

According to him, this means Azerbaijan wants changes in Armenia to acquire “legitimacy enshrined through a referendum and to be made as irreversible as possible”.

The political analyst suggests Baku is in a hurry because the regional balance of power could change, primarily due to the growing Iranian factor:

“If Iran is able to capitalise on its regional influence, a shift in the balance of power in the South Caucasus could limit Baku’s ability to exert pressure on Armenia.”

Surenyants notes that:

  • Tehran has repeatedly said that any violation of Armenia’s territorial integrity, changes to international borders or alteration of the geopolitical status quo in the region constitute “red lines” for Iran;
  • Iran is particularly sensitive to the development of transport links through Armenia, viewing them through the prism of its own security and regional influence.

Surenyants argues that the demand for changes to Armenia’s Constitution is taking on additional significance and cannot be seen simply as a “mechanical precondition” for signing a peace treaty.

“Azerbaijan is seeking to achieve its desired outcome within Armenia at both the legal and political levels. And that outcome will not be limited to removing the reference to the Declaration of Independence,” he argues.

The analyst notes that discussions have intensified again in Baku, in particular about the return of Azerbaijanis to “Western Azerbaijan”, by which they mean virtually the entire territory of Armenia. He believes these developments will not end with changes to Armenia’s Constitution and is convinced that Azerbaijan will then present Armenia with a new list of demands:

“Does all this mean that Azerbaijan is preparing for a new military escalation? At present, there is not enough publicly available evidence to draw such a definitive conclusion.”

The political analyst believes Baku has not yet obtained everything it wants from Armenia and is therefore stepping up political pressure. In his assessment, this is driven by concerns that it may become more difficult to secure all its demands in the future:

“And Baku is rushing to get everything it wants while there is a government in Yerevan that regards Baku’s demand for constitutional amendments as part of its own agenda, and before regional developments close the ‘window of opportunity’ for exerting unilateral pressure on Armenia.”

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Real risks or empty threats? Reaction to Medvedev’s statement about ‘Ukrainisa

JAM News
Oct 7, 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

“Armenia turning into a new Ukraine represents another sign of Russia’s geopolitical anxiety and the deepening crisis in Armenian-Russian relations,” political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan said in response to Dmitry Medvedev’s sensational statement.

“Armenia’s current leadership decided that changing the country’s course would serve its interests. I am sure that this will not lead to anything good either. The worst thing that could happen to Armenia is for it to turn into a new Ukraine,” said Russia’s deputy Security Council chairman.

By a change in course, he meant Armenia’s drive towards European integration. Yerevan has not officially responded to his remarks.

Only parliament speaker Ruben Rubinyan told journalists: “Armenia cannot be anything else. Armenia is Armenia, and it will always be Armenia.”

Political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan believes that Russia “is irritated and unbalanced because the situation in the war is not just bad, but very bad”. At the same time, the analyst says Armenia should take the statement from Moscow seriously and try to assess how real the threat is:

“We should not treat this threat as either an absolutely inevitable scenario or empty bravado. It involves real risks stemming from Armenia’s energy and economic vulnerabilities. It also contains elements of psychological pressure.”


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Political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan says Russia fears losing its influence in the South Caucasus:

“Against the backdrop of setbacks on the Ukrainian front, Moscow’s resources remain limited, while its influence across the post-Soviet space has weakened. But the most unwelcome development for Russia is that all of this now shows a clear trend towards further deterioration.”

In his view, Russia can still wage a war of attrition in Ukraine, but casualties, economic sanctions and international isolation are creating significant tensions inside the country.

The analyst says that under these conditions, Russia sees the departure of any ally as a “stab in the back”. This leads to an unbalanced response, as Medvedev’s statement demonstrates:

“The aim of the threat is to instil fear in Armenian society and stop the process of rapprochement with the West, which stems from our security and development interests.”

Mehrabyan believes the threats from Moscow carry some real risks:

“The possibility of a direct military invasion is currently close to zero for one simple reason. No matter how many threats Medvedev spews, Russia has no way to invade a country with which it has no border. But Russia has powerful hybrid tools, and it can and does use them.”

Among the existing risks, the political analyst highlights Armenia’s economic and energy dependence on Russia.

He points to the Upper Lars checkpoint, the only land route linking Armenia with Russia. Whenever the route closes, it creates problems for Armenian exporters and importers. Mehrabyan also notes that Armenia receives gas from Russia, as well as fuel for its nuclear power plant:

“Cutting off gas supplies or suspending deliveries under the pretext of repairs, or closing the border on sanitary grounds, could trigger internal upheaval in Armenia and force the country to operate under a state of emergency.”

According to Mehrabyan, Yerevan has so far managed the potential risks without shocks or conflicts, but he is not confident that it will continue to do so.

He stresses that the current situation also creates potential security risks. In particular, he suggests that “Baku could sell its pressure on Armenia to Moscow”, and that Russia would have no objection to such a deal.

The political analyst says Russia is behaving like a wounded beast. He urges the Armenian authorities to summon the Russian ambassador to the Foreign Ministry and hand him a formal protest note instead of making public demarches.

At the same time, he says Armenia needs to emphasise once again that its closer ties with the European Union and the United States serve Armenia’s interests and do not target Russia.

Mehrabyan identifies energy and economic diversification among Yerevan’s priorities. He says Armenia urgently needs to secure gas supplies from Iran, which could cover 85% of the country’s needs. He also expects the authorities to:

  • continue army reforms and work to strengthen the country’s borders;
  • deepen military and technical cooperation with various countries, including France, India and Greece;
  • ensure domestic stability and resilience;
  • strengthen strategic communications and combat disinformation.

Ruben Mehrabyan believes Armenia needs to prepare for modern warfare, including hybrid attacks:

“Armenia must not give Azerbaijan or Russia any reason to be tempted to commit aggression against us.”

https://jam-news.net/real-risks-or-empty-threats-reaction-to-medvedevs-statement-about-ukrainisation-of-armenia/ 

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Armenia and Turkey discuss restoring Gyumri–Kars power line

OC Media
Oct 6, 2026

Armenia and Turkey have discussed restoring and commissioning the Gyumri–Kars transmission line as Yerevan pushes to secure alternative energy sources and to normalise ties with Ankara.

The talks took place in Armenia, with Territorial Administration and Infrastructure Minister Davit Khudatyan receiving a delegation from the Turkish Electricity Transmission Corporation (TEIAS), led by its chair and general manager, Mustafa Pustu.

Following his meeting with the TEIAS delegation, Khudatyan said on Facebook that he emphasised the importance of interconnecting the electricity systems of Armenia and Turkey for bilateral and regional cooperation. The Turkish delegation also met with the management of Armenia’s Electro Power Systems Operator and High Voltage Electric Networks.

Armenia and Turkey have been actively working on normalising their ties since 2022, with special envoys meeting at their shared border and in their respective capitals. However, diplomatic relations have not yet been established, and the land border remains closed.

Turkey closed off its border to Armenia during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in 1993. In May, Turkey lifted restrictions on the trade of goods with Armenia, allowing for bilateral trade to go forward without goods needing to be re-registered by a third country before crossing the border.

Armenia’s growing energy needs

Armenia’s energy sector has been in transition since the state moved to take control of the national grid operator, Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA), the national electricity distributor, and Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that new demand, including that from AI data centres, could result in Armenia no longer having an electricity surplus.

Yerevan moved to nationalise ENA after its owner, billionaire and opposition leader Samvel Karapetyan, was detained on charges of ‘usurping power’ in June 2025.

In May 2026, the government announced that it would begin expropriating Karapetyan’s shares. The Karapetyan family has launched an investment arbitration case, seeking $500 million over what it describes as expropriation. The government argues that it took over the company to improve the quality of its service and to protect public interest, but critics claim that it is in response to Karapetyan’s political ambitions in Armenia.

Armenia also relies heavily on power generated by the Metsamor nuclear power plant — the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus.

Armenia has contracted Russia’s Rosatom to extend the operational lifespan of Metsamor’s sole functioning reactor. Pashinyan has said that operation could be extended to 2046, following an earlier extension to 2036. Yerevan was also considering proposals for small modular reactors from Russia, the US, France, China, and South Korea. However, Pashinyan later announced that due to higher demand, the modular solution might not be enough for Armenia’s energy needs.

Aliyev suggests Azerbaijan could supply Armenia with electricity

The issue of electricity has also become part of the wider debate on peace and connectivity in Armenia–Azerbaijan relations.

In August, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev proposed that Azerbaijan could supply Armenia with electricity, arguing that Armenia cannot indefinitely rely on Metsamor. He stated that a power line from Azerbaijan through Armenia to Nakhchivan was ready to be constructed. In response, Pashinyan said that Armenia, which was previously assumed to have a power surplus, could face new demand from rapidly growing AI data centres. He added that Armenia could trade electricity with Azerbaijan, Turkey, Iran, and Georgia.

Restoring the Gyumri–Kars line would provide Yerevan with an alternative route for electricity trade, in addition to its existing links with Iran and Georgia.

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Prime minister visits festival of national culture and cuisine with CIS heads

Culture21:11, 8 October 2026
Read the article in: FrançaisՀայերենРусский中文

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan visited the Avaza National Tourist Zone in Turkmenistan with the leaders of CIS countries.

According to the Armenian Prime Minister’s Office, the leaders toured the pavilions set up for the festival of culture and national cuisine of CIS countries, learning about the countries’ food and culture.

Armenia also took part in the festival with its own pavilion.

An official reception was subsequently held in honour of the CIS heads of state.

Published by Armenpress, original at

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IPU 153rd Assembly: Armenian, Belgian delegates hold meeting

Politics10:37, 8 October 2026
Read the article in: ՀայերենРусский

The Armenian parliament’s deputy speaker, Vahagn Aleksanyan, met with Karl Vanlouwe, head of the Belgian parliamentary delegation to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), and members of the delegation on October 7 on the sidelines of the 153rd IPU Assembly.

The meeting was also attended by Armenian MPs Tsovinar Vardanyan and Hasmik Hakobyan, members of the Armenian parliamentary delegation to the IPU.

The parliament’s press service said the sides discussed issues related to bilateral relations between Armenia and Belgium and parliamentary cooperation. They emphasized the importance of further developing and deepening cooperation between the two countries’ parliaments, highlighting the importance of intensifying interparliamentary dialogue and maintaining regular contacts on matters of mutual interest.

The sides also discussed Armenia-EU relations, particularly the visa liberalization process. They also addressed issues related to the parliamentary elections held in Armenia.

The importance of continuing mutual visits and high-level contacts was emphasized as an important component of strengthening bilateral relations and further deepening parliamentary cooperation.

Read the article in: ՀայերենРусский

Published by Armenpress, original at

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Armenia women’s national team beats Jordan 2-1 in away friendly

Sports10:52, 8 October 2026
Read the article in: العربيةEspañolՀայերենРусскийTürkçe

Armenia’s women’s national football team defeated Jordan 2-1 in an away friendly in Jordan on October 7.

Anna Dallakyan and Maral Artin scored for Armenia, while Jordan scored its only goal in stoppage time.

“We played until the end, weren’t afraid of difficult moments, and most importantly, believed that we could win. I thank the girls for their dedication and fighting spirit,” Armenia head coach Mariam Stepanyan said after the match.

Armenia’s women’s national team will face Indonesia on October 10. That match will also be played in Jordan.

Read the article in: العربيةEspañolՀայերենРусскийTürkçe

Published by Armenpress, original at

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Eight injured in Yerevan-Sevan highway minibus rollover in satisfactory condit

Armenia11:08, 8 October 2026
Read the article in: Հայերեն

Eight people injured when a minibus overturned on the Yerevan-Sevan highway have sought medical attention at a regional medical center, and their condition is satisfactory, the Health Ministry spokesperson Mariam Tsatryan told Armenpress.

“The eight injured people sought medical attention at a regional medical center. Their condition is satisfactory. They received the necessary medical care. Some of them have been discharged, while the rest will be discharged in the coming hours. We have no serious cases,” the Health Ministry spokesperson said.

Earlier, the Rescue Service reported that at around 7:50am on October 8, a Mercedes-Benz minibus overturned at the 50th kilometer of the Yerevan-Sevan highway.

Read the article in: Հայերեն

Published by Armenpress, original at

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