Azerbaïdjan : une nouvelle église chrétienne détruite au Haut-Karabakh, dans

  
13 avril 2026

Azerbaïdjan : une nouvelle église chrétienne détruite au Haut-Karabakh, dans un silence international assourdissant

Le diocèse évoque un « génocide culturel » mené de manière “systématique, délibérée et au niveau de l’État”


La destruction de l’église arménienne Saint-Jacques de Stepanakert marque une nouvelle étape dans l’effacement du patrimoine chrétien au Haut-Karabakh. Selon un communiqué publié le 12 avril 2026 par le diocèse d’Artsakh, désormais réfugié en Arménie depuis l’exode forcé de septembre 2023, l’édifice a été « entièrement détruit » par les autorités de l’Azerbaïdjan. Dans son communiqué, le diocèse exprime « une profonde tristesse » et condamne avec fermeté cet acte qu’il attribue à « l’administration d’occupation azerbaïdjanaise ». L’église Saint-Jacques, appelée Sourp Hagop, constituait un centre majeur de la vie spirituelle de Stepanakert, où chaque dimanche des milliers de fidèles se rassemblaient pour la liturgie et recevaient l’Eucharistie. Sa destruction ne représente pas seulement la perte d’un bâtiment, mais l’effacement d’un lieu où s’enracinait la vie sacramentelle d’une communauté aujourd’hui dispersée.

Le diocèse inscrit cet acte dans une série plus large de destructions visant des sanctuaires chrétiens du Haut-Karabakh, citant notamment plusieurs églises déjà anéanties ou profanées ces dernières années. Le texte évoque un « génocide culturel » mené de manière « systématique, délibérée et au niveau de l’État », une accusation qui souligne la volonté d’effacer toute trace de présence chrétienne arménienne dans cette région.

Face à ces destructions, le diocèse déplore « l’indifférence des instances internationales », accusées de laisser se poursuivre ces atteintes au patrimoine religieux sans intervention effective. Les responsables religieux affirment qu’ils continueront à réclamer justice avec persévérance et appellent une nouvelle fois la communauté internationale à agir pour mettre un terme à cette situation. Depuis la reprise totale du territoire par l’Azerbaïdjan en septembre 2023, la quasi-totalité de la population arménienne, profondément chrétienne, a fui vers l’Arménie. Ce déplacement massif a mis fin à une présence pluriséculaire. Les églises, monastères et cimetières constituaient non seulement des lieux de culte, mais aussi les marqueurs visibles d’une identité chrétienne enracinée dans l’histoire. Leur destruction ou leur profanation suscite aujourd’hui de vives inquiétudes quant à la disparition progressive de cette mémoire.

Privés de leurs églises, les fidèles vivent désormais en exil. La perte de ces lieux saints touche directement la transmission de la foi dans la tradition arménienne, où l’enracinement spirituel est étroitement lié aux lieux consacrés. Au-delà du peuple arménien, ce patrimoine appartient à l’ensemble de la chrétienté. Les sanctuaires du Haut-Karabakh témoignent de l’ancienneté du christianisme dans le Caucase. Leur disparition progressive pose la question de la protection des sites religieux dans les zones de conflit et du respect de la liberté religieuse. Face à ces événements, l’appel du diocèse du Haut-Karabakh souligne la gravité de la situation, sans réaction concrète, c’est une part du patrimoine chrétien mondial qui risque de disparaître dans le silence.

5 days in Armenia: exploring the ‘other side’ through food, hikes and histori

South China Morning Post, Singapore
April 13 2026

From coffee to carpets and hikes to hillside churches, going off the beaten path in Armenia reveals cultural gems beyond its capital, Yerevan

By Marlise Kast-Myers

My husband Benjamin and I land in Yerevan, the capital and largest city in Armenia, at 1am and, despite the arrival time, jet lag has us wired, chatting up our driver about everything from politics to population. Nodding, he asks ChatGPT for answers.

Armenia has a population of roughly 3 million, of which Yerevan is home to roughly a third. As we roll into our hotel, it seems most Yerevanites are out that night. Even in the lobby of The Alexander, the bellman explains that Armenia is a late-to-bed, late-to-rise culture.

Acclimating our senses the following morning is a rooftop breakfast served by a gracious staff who introduce us to Armenian coffee – finely ground into a powder and brewed in a jazzve pot. Ruby pomegranate juice brightens the table beside yogurt, figs, honey, olives, pastries, brined cheeses (chanakh and lori), cured beef (basturma), and other local delights.

Following breakfast, we meet Lusine Guin Dalera, our guide and owner of Next is Armenia. During the Covid-19 pandemic, she launched her business, which gained traction with viral videos introducing the “other side” of Armenia. Over the next five days, she will be our driver, translator and historian.

Within minutes, she is walking us through Yerevan, one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world. Founded nearly 2,800 years ago, Yerevan became the capital of the Armenian Republic in 1918. Situated at the crossroads of empires – from Persian and Roman to Byzantine, Arab and Ottoman – it has long been shaped by conquest and survival. At first glance, their story of resilience is not something that could be seen.

At the centre of the action is Republic Square, ringed by government buildings and the History Museum of Armenia, with a collection of roughly 400,000 artefacts, documents and archaeological findings, including the world’s oldest known leather shoe, from 3500BC.

Long before Christianity spread across Europe, Armenia quietly became the first nation to adopt it in AD301. It was a decision that still shapes the landscape today. We see it first-hand over lunch at Tumanyan’s Art.

It is the coffee and stuffed flatbreads (zhingyalov hats) that lure us to this neighbourhood restaurant, but a heart of hope that leaves us in tears. At the centre of it all is the owner, Kristina Balayan, who serves us dolmas, trout, pickled vegetables, roasted potatoes, lubu shorva (red bean soup) and other specialities.

Before Balayan opened her restaurant in Yerevan, Tumanyan’s Art stood in the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, in its capital Stepanakert. It operated as a restaurant and school for children with special needs. After the 2020 “44-Day War” reshaped the region, renewed fighting in September 2023 led to the displacement of Artsakh’s population.
Among those in the crossfire was Balayan, who refused to close her restaurant during a nine-month blockade. Instead, the cafe became a place of sustenance where she improvised daily with the few supplies she had. Despite the mass exodus, Balayan stayed behind to feed the hungry, becoming one of the last to travel through the Lachin corridor to Armenia.

Upon arriving in Yerevan, she joined the NGO World Central Kitchen to feed the displaced, eventually opening Tumanyan’s Art in December 2023. Balayan has been helping to nourish thousands of Armenians, from widows to orphans.

Still, Balayan pours us wine and insists on raising a glass to “peace”. I did not know how, having endured all that, Armenians had the courage to find joy. But as Lusine explains, “We can’t live in fear of today simply because of the uncertainty of tomorrow.”

In Martiros Saryan Park, it seems people are finding that joy, artists setting up easels and brushing colour on canvases in this living gallery. Just off the Armenian National Opera and Ballet Theatre, this vibrant area celebrates Armenia’s deep ties to France, with Parisian-style cafes and flower carts stacked with fresh roses, so perfectly petalled, you would swear they were Photoshopped into life.

Just uphill, the Cafesjian Centre for the Arts anchors the iconic Cascade, a pyramid-shaped complex doubling as one of Yerevan’s most important cultural spaces. Outside are tiered fountains with views spanning across the city to Mount Ararat. At the base of the terraces are sculpture gardens featuring Fernando Botero’s chubby bronze feline El Gato and Ji Yong-ho’s black Lion, assembled from recycled tyres.

By sunset, we are counting fibres at the Megerian Carpet Museum. Ironically, the famed business launched in New York, where Armenian immigrant Hovannes John Megerian started restoring rugs in 1917.

Leaning on natural dyes and double-knot methods, he revitalised the craft and established a cultural hub in Armenia with factories, museums and showrooms. With more than 22 weaving facilities across the country, Megerian has become a major force in preserving the heritage.

From carpet factories to blanketed hillsides, we head north into the Debed River valley, where cool, misty air smells of fire and fruit. Located in Armenia’s Lori province, the deep gorge stretches from Vanadzor to the Georgian border.

Cradled in the hillsides are Unesco-listed monasteries and centuries-old settlements, drawing more visitors than the trails and rivers below. We came for all of the above, with history before hiking, starting with the Sanahin Monastery.

Founded in the 10th century, this complex of churches was a crucible of wisdom for calligraphers, philosophers and illuminators. Despite the passing of time, rays of light break into the darkness through crowned domes and arched windows.

Nearby is Haghpat Monastery, the other half of the Monasteries of Haghpat and Sanahin Unesco World Heritage site.

The complex is seen as the pinnacle of Armenian architecture. Among gravesites and crooked slabs, this medieval tapestry of bell towers, vaulted corridors, and sacred frescoes whispers tales of faith and persecution.

Mendz Er Cave (Big Cave) is next on our route. Once believed to have sheltered early humans, the cave now houses a museum beside a restaurant, where we lunch on wraps and clay-pot stews reminiscent of shepherds’ fondue.

The next day, we hike from Kobayr Monastery to Odzun Church, our trail slicing through the gorge past ruins of Horomayr, one of 4,000 religious structures in Armenia.

Holding the pack is our guide from HikeArmenia, who corrals us through the verdant passage while pointing out rhythms of rural life. Farmers gather walnuts into leather pouches beside hedgerows laden with berries, pears, plums and Cornelian cherries.

Our trek ends in the village of Odzun, famous for its church constructed around the 5th to 7th centuries.

We visit the local Tumo Centre, which runs Armenia’s free technology programme for teens – a reminder that even in one of the country’s oldest landscapes, the future was being quietly shaped.

The following morning echoes that past in a drive along barren roads dotted with abandoned factories. Climbing towards 1,400 metres (4,600 feet), we head to Tavush province towards Apaga Resort in Yenokavan. Opened in 2003, this property in the clouds has cosy rooms in free-standing structures. Outside are grazing horses that raise their heads at nothing greener than the earth.

Within the property is Yell Extreme Park, a hub for adventure with horse riding, zip-lining, rock climbing, off-roading and hiking. Elaborate meals are served in a glass-walled restaurant overlooking the valley, where paper-thin lavash comes with platters of tree mushrooms, lamb and trout.

As the trip draws to a close, we stop at Haghartsin Monastery, where Lusine lures us with gata, flaky Armenian pastries filled with blueberry, lemon and figs.

Beyond those fragrant fillings is a rich history of the monastery dating back to the 10th century. Once favoured by scientists and royalty, Haghartsin now holds the graves of kings.

Armenia looking for additional partners for TRIPP implementation

Eurasianet
April 13 2026

Yerevan seeking to maintain momentum for trade corridor.

Apr 13, 2026

Anticipating that US attention could be focused on Iran and the Persian Gulf for a long time, Armenia is seeking to attract additional investors in TRIPP, the planned trade corridor that Yerevan foresees as a cornerstone of its economic future.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan have indicated in recent days that the bilateral agreement between the US and Armenia on building TRIPP, or the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, is moving forward. But both leaders now indicate that Armenia wants to attract other investors to be involved in the corridor’s construction and operations. 

The project, the centerpiece of the provisional Armenian-Azerbaijani peace deal signed last August in Washington, would connect Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan exclave via a 42-kilometer land bridge across Armenia’s Syunik province. It is envisioned as a key node in the emerging Middle Corridor trade network connecting Central Asia to European markets.

Mirzoyan suggested some Middle Eastern states, which he did not name, have expressed interest in TRIPP.

Pashinyan, meanwhile, seems keen to get Kazakhstan involved. On April 9, he met with Kazakh Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev, with the discussions exploring potential cooperation on infrastructure development, connectivity and tourism. The two countries also have pledged to engage in intelligence cooperation.

“Naturally, we should invite Kazakhstan to be prepared to consider using transit routes through Armenia as part of their export, import, and transport service chains,” the official Kazakh news agency, Kazinform, quoted Pashinyan as saying prior to the meeting.

US officials have sought to reassure Yerevan that the ongoing turmoil in the Persian Gulf, despite an ostensible ceasefire between the United States and Iran, will not distract Washington from implementing TRIPP.

TRIPP “remains a top priority for the United States, with the potential to unleash peace and prosperity in the South Caucasus region and beyond. The Trump Administration remains committed to making TRIPP a reality,’’ the Armenpress state news agency quoted a US State Department representative as saying.

https://eurasianet.org/armenia-looking-for-additional-partners-for-tripp-implementation

Pashinyan: Armenia has overcome the blockade with Azerbaijan

April 13 2026

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that his country is entering a new stage of economic development, made possible by establishing peace with Azerbaijan.

According to Pashinyan, infrastructure projects, primarily TRIPP (“Trump’s Route for International Peace and Prosperity”), will play an important role in this process. This project should finally bring the country out of transport isolation.

Pashinyan noted that Armenia has already effectively overcome the blockade: railway transportation is possible both through the territory of Azerbaijan and through Georgia, including for exports.

He separately emphasized the importance of the future opening of a railway connection within the framework of agreements with Azerbaijan. According to the political agreements reached, this route will be permanent and will not be closed, which will create a reliable channel for import and export.

The Prime Minister of Armenia also noted that since 2018, the country’s economy has grown significantly — according to his estimates, the gross domestic product has increased by approximately 53%. This indicates a transition to a new stage where relations between business, the state, and employees should develop in a new way.

Pashinyan emphasized the importance of business’s role in these changes. He noted that many companies bring new thinking, culture, and open up new development opportunities to the country. According to him, Armenia is now facing unprecedented prospects, and the main task is to effectively utilize them.


Pashinyan Visits Putin: Mutual Trolling

Riddle
April 13 2026

Roman Chernikov on what Putin and Pashinyan actually said to each other during the Armenian prime minister’s latest trip to Moscow

Read in Russian

By Roman Chernikov

Nikol Pashinyan’s latest visit to Moscow caught the attention of even those who usually steer clear of South Caucasus politics. The Armenian prime minister openly trolled Vladimir Putin on democracy, pointedly noting that in Armenia «there are no participants in the political process serving time in places not so remote,» and that the country’s social networks are «100 percent free.» He dropped all this just as Russia was blocking Telegram and seriously weighing tougher controls on VPN services.

Clips from the exchange instantly spawned memes and Instagram Reels parodies. But behind the funny videos it’s easy to miss the main point. In this meeting the Kremlin for the first time spelled out its demands to Yerevan directly, not through propagandists. The key ones: allow Russian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan — who is currently under house arrest — to take part in the June elections, and for Armenia to drop its pro-Western course. Refusal would mean higher gas prices and other economic headaches for Yerevan.

In theory Putin could start using those levers right now to tilt the parliamentary vote. But assuming he definitely will would be a mistake. The Kremlin has been talking about «the end of Pashinyan» since late 2020, yet every time Moscow has backed away from a direct confrontation.

Help Samvel

Pashinyan’s trip to Moscow had only one real purpose: to clarify relations with Putin on the eve of the elections set for June 7. At least that’s the clear takeaway from the public part of the meeting. The conversation between the two leaders ran a surprisingly long 20 minutes for a protocol event — when it could easily have been limited to the usual greetings and a couple of standard remarks about «our relations developing dynamically, trade growing, though of course there are still many issues that need discussing.» Everything else normally happens off-camera.

If they let the cameras roll for longer, there was a reason. It felt like those infamous Trump-Zelensky talks where the entire back-and-forth — including the joke about the missing suit — played out live. The emotional temperature was higher there, but Putin’s dialogue with Pashinyan clearly stepped outside normal diplomatic bounds.

From his very first sentence Putin set the tone for a tough conversation: «We see that domestic political processes in Armenia are heating up, and elections are coming soon.» He immediately made clear what mattered to him: «that these flare-ups do not harm our relations between Russia and Armenia in any way.» And he was equally direct about why they might flare up. «We have a great many friends in Armenia — a great many, we know that. Many Armenians live in the Russian Federation,» Putin added, somewhat pointlessly, since Armenia does not allow overseas voting. «And there are many political forces that are pro-Russian. Of course, I will tell you quite frankly — our dialogue is such that we always speak honestly and directly. We would very much like all these political parties and politicians to be able to take part in this domestic political process during the elections. Some of them, I know, are in places of detention, even though they hold Russian passports. That is your decision, we do not interfere, but we would like them all to be able, at the very least, to participate in this domestic political work.»

He was, of course, talking about Samvel Karapetyan — a businessman with a fortune of over $ 3 billion who ranks 44th on the Russian Forbes list. He holds dual Armenian-Russian citizenship and, according to some reports, Cypriot citizenship as well. Under Armenia’s current constitution, anyone who has held a foreign passport in the past four years cannot become prime minister or a member of parliament. Even if Karapetyan formally keeps only his Armenian passport by election day, as his team promises, it changes nothing. Besides, he has barely lived in Armenia, having focused mainly on his Russian business interests in Moscow.

Yet Karapetyan’s team (while he remains under arrest, his nephew Narek, first vice-president of the Tashir Group, acts as the main public face) promises that if they win they will immediately rewrite the constitution to remove these restrictions. According to leaks, the party has already figured out how to bypass the rule requiring the prime-ministerial candidate to meet the criteria: formally the candidate will be Narek Karapetyan, who satisfies them. Everyone understands, however, that the real candidate is the billionaire himself.

Technically, the required constitutional change can be made without a referendum if there is a parliamentary majority. The catch is that a brand-new party is unlikely to win one.

There are also issues with the party name the businessman created from jail. It was originally called «Strong Armenia.» After merging with two smaller forces, they expanded it to «Strong Armenia with Samvel Karapetyan.» The ruling Civil Contract party saw this as a gift and quickly passed a law banning personal names in party titles. Karapetyan’s lawyers will probably still find a workaround — by amending the charter documents, for example.

Assessing the real support for «Strong Armenia» is difficult for now. According to a poll by the American International Republican Institute (IRI), only 6 percent named Samvel Karapetyan as their most trusted politician and another 4 percent as their second choice. Nikol Pashinyan scored 18 percent (first choice) and 2 percent (second). Other candidates did even worse: former president Robert Kocharyan came third with 3 percent and 2 percent respectively.

When asked who they would vote for next Sunday, 24 percent said the ruling Civil Contract, 9 percent «Strong Armenia,» and only 3 percent the «Armenia» bloc led by Kocharyan. Similar numbers came from an April poll by the Armenian company MPG: 24.3 percent for Pashinyan, 13.4 percent for «Strong Armenia,» and 7.9 percent for «Prosperous Armenia» (the pocket party of oligarch Gagik Tsarukyan, who is building a Jesus statue taller than the one in Brazil and uses politics to protect his business).

So only two or three forces are likely to clear the parliamentary threshold (4 percent for a single party, 8 percent for a two-party bloc, 10 percent for three or more). Surprises are possible, though, because of the «multiplier» effect — the proportional redistribution of votes from parties that fail to pass the threshold to the winners.

The absolute confidence in victory that Narek Karapetyan loudly proclaims looks like bravado. Still, the new force will most likely win some seats in parliament. Pashinyan, for his part, is likely to keep his majority thanks to low turnout: his 24 percent represents roughly half of those who are actually expected to show up and vote. According to the IRI poll, 48 percent of respondents «trust no one» and will probably simply stay home.

After Pashinyan’s Moscow visit many are asking whether such a result would satisfy Putin, or whether he is counting on Armenia coming fully under the control of a «pro-Russian party.» There are reasons for concern. Almost in passing, Putin reminded his guest that «gas prices in Europe are exceeding $ 600 per thousand cubic meters, while Russia sells gas to Armenia for $ 177.5.» He added that «being in a customs union with the European Union and with EurAsEC [he persistently used the old name for the EAEU that was current before 2015 — author’s note] is impossible… by definition.»

That issue, however, is entirely academic right now. Armenia has not even applied to join the EU and is certainly not a candidate. Even in the most optimistic scenario, membership is at least 15−20 years away. What the EU itself, the EAEU, or Vladimir Putin will look like by then is impossible to predict.

Offended to the Max

Both Russian propaganda outlets and Armenian opposition media are convinced: the Kremlin has given Pashinyan a «black mark,» after which his days are numbered. Even Andrei Kolesnikov — the «chronicler of Putin» at Kommersant, whose reports are often scanned for hidden signals — ended his piece with: «It was an outstanding conversation. And, quite possibly, the beginning of the end for one of the participants.»

There is certainly enough evidence for that conclusion. In addition to Putin’s words came a harsh statement from Dmitry Medvedev («It is time to abandon the tolerant attitude toward our neighbors joining the European military-economic union») and Maria Zakharova, commenting on the visit, called Russia-Armenia ties «part of historical nature itself.» On top of that, Dmitry Suslov, deputy director of research programs at the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (SVOP), made a surprise trip to Yerevan. In an interview with journalist Aze Babayan he spoke in the language of the 2010s, talking about the «deterrence effect» Russia supposedly provides against Azerbaijan and Turkey, and promising that if Azerbaijan attacks Armenia, Moscow would not merely «provide assistance» but would itself enter the war. Suslov made it crystal clear: if Pashinyan breaks ties with Moscow, «aggression will be inevitable.» It looked like classic intimidation from someone close to the Russian authorities.

But even more significant was the lengthy interview Vice-Premier Alexei Overchuk gave to TASS. Overchuk is the key Russian official handling economic relations with both Yerevan and Baku and is deeply involved in all the details, including the «unblocking of communications» (restoring rail links) between the countries after 2020. That process has now been taken over by the Trump administration through the TRIPP project («Trump Route»).

The vice-premier also criticized Armenia’s westward drift, but from his own economic vantage point. Not long ago Pashinyan raised the possibility of transferring the concession on Armenian railways from Russian Railways (RZhD) to some «friendly» country — Kazakhstan, Qatar, or the UAE. The reason: Russian involvement means Yerevan «loses competitive advantage.» It’s true that once the line to Turkey is restored, a train from anywhere in the European Union could reach Yerevan via Bulgaria. But how would potential partners feel about having to deal with a Russian state corporation on Armenian territory?

Moscow flatly rejected the idea. Pashinyan’s own bluntness played a role here: just a couple of months earlier he had asked Moscow to help restore sections of track on the border with Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan and Turkey, only to make it clear afterward that Moscow would not be allowed to enjoy the fruits of that work. «If the leadership of Armenia raises the question of the undesirability of Russian business presence, then the question of reciprocity also arises,» Overchuk said.

Moscow is clearly also offended by Yerevan’s choice of the «Trump Route» (TRIPP). In Overchuk’s words one could clearly hear the familiar Kremlin narrative of «you’ll be sorry you didn’t choose us, but it will be too late.» He put it this way: «Had Armenia remained in the format of the Trilateral Working Group co-chaired by the deputy prime ministers of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia, construction of this railway would already be nearing completion, and it would remain entirely the property of the country whose territory it crosses.»

Incidentally, because of the war in Iran, the prospects for the American project in the South Caucasus are genuinely under threat. As Joshua Kuchera wrote in Foreign Policy, representatives of the American company that were supposed to inspect the route section postponed their visit precisely because of the situation around Iran. Not to mention that the whole project ultimately depends on Trump’s enthusiasm — something even Nikol Pashinyan has acknowledged is currently lacking.

This is not the first time waves of offended statements directed at Pashinyan have poured out of Moscow. But so far no one has given a clear answer to the question: what exactly is Moscow going to do? Simply raise the price of gas? Few believed that before — because in that case the Kremlin would finally lose whatever scraps of support it still has in Armenia. Even the most convinced advocate of Putin and «Russia’s outpost in the Caucasus» would not thank them for that. Besides, the scenario in which Armenia begins buying gas from Azerbaijan — first via Georgia (as already happens with grain and petrol) and later directly, after building a few dozen kilometers of pipeline — no longer looks like fantasy.

Banning the products of a single cognac factory will have little effect, no matter how much state media hypes it. And the Kremlin itself, it seems, does not believe that some influence agents modeled on Moldova’s «Shor network» (a structure of paid influencers and local agitators created by fugitive oligarch Ilan Shor) could seriously sway the election results. At most, such «activists» can stand with placards outside the Armenian embassy in Moscow and hold small events for the diaspora. But unlike the Moldovan diaspora, the Armenian one does not vote in elections. They failed to remove Maia Sandu that way, even though her support in Moldova is also not very high. Narek Karapetyan was asked directly whether he planned to organize transport for Russian Armenians to Yerevan to vote; he made it clear he was not prepared to do so.

Lucky Like Pashinyan

Although the «failed» and «shameful» visit to Moscow has been discussed for two weeks now, it can also be viewed from another angle. The trip to Putin was not a «summoning to the carpet» but an initiative of the Armenian prime minister himself. Even his opponents do not dispute this, and the Russian channel Tsargrad went so far as to state: «Pashinyan’s main goal in the talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin was to show potential voters that he knows how to speak with Moscow as an equal.» Of course, Putin also tried to demonstrate that Moscow can dictate its will in a calm and confident tone. But the very fact that Pashinyan came to him of his own accord substantially changes the picture.

The Armenian prime minister had every reason to call the visit «very successful.» As prominent Yerevan political scientist Alexander Iskandaryan noted, any undecided voter — regardless of their views — can see in these talks exactly what they want to see. An anti-Russian viewer will enjoy how cleverly Pashinyan argued with Putin. Someone who believes contact with Moscow must be preserved at all costs (if only for pragmatic reasons) will be reassured: the visit itself proves that the contact exists. What’s more, Pashinyan once again publicly called Russia a friendly country.

There is no doubt that Russia will be mentioned frequently in Armenia over the coming months. The agenda will still include the transfer of the railways (Pashinyan only promised not to negotiate «behind Russia’s back»), relations with Azerbaijan («maybe it would still be better with Russia?»), the future of the CSTO (which Pashinyan has firmly decided not to rejoin), and much else. Solovyov’s shows will continue to invent elaborate insults for Pashinyan, and Armenian parliament speaker Alen Simonyan will keep trading barbs with Russian officials from afar.

None of this cancels out the «inertial» scenario: on 8 June Pashinyan will declare victory for his party, and Putin will calmly congratulate him. There will be plenty of abuse on propaganda airwaves, but despite all Pashinyan’s weaknesses, the Kremlin simply does not have the strength for any other scenario. Serious interference was believable until New Year; now there is neither the time nor suitable candidates capable of winning even 15−20 percent of real support.

Moreover, any attempt by the Kremlin to apply pressure could actually work in Pashinyan’s favor, further consolidating the electorate that is angry with Moscow for its non-intervention in 2022 (when Azerbaijan carried out an offensive on the border) and in 2023 (when Karabakh finally came under Baku’s control). At the meeting Putin tried to explain both episodes. He even called Karabakh «the most sensitive issue.» But that is no longer entirely true. The return of the region is now a radical agenda, while even Karapetyan’s party acknowledges that such a scenario is impossible and is instead focusing on providing decent housing for refugees. Pashinyan himself has taken to wearing a lapel pin showing the map of Armenia without Karabakh — and he wore it to the Kremlin. This demonstrative gesture is, of course, not to everyone’s liking. Putin’s talk about Karabakh impresses few either: when it was really needed, Moscow simply stayed silent.

But Putin has nothing else to say. By publicly treating Nikol Pashinyan like a schoolboy in the principal’s office, the Kremlin is at least preserving what remains of Russian-Armenian relations. If Putin suddenly started praising Pashinyan, his stock among Armenian opposition figures would collapse, while among «Nikolakan» supporters of the government it would hardly rise. If he declared Pashinyan an outright enemy, relations with Armenia would sink to the level of Moldova: formally they exist, de facto they almost don’t. Supporting Karapetyan therefore looks like the safe option: his party is certain to get some result (provided it is even allowed to run). At the same time, the very nomination of the Russian billionaire as leader of the opposition most likely happened by accident — without any direct instruction from the Kremlin. Had Pashinyan not arrested him for an interview defending the Armenian Apostolic Church, Karapetyan would most likely have simply gone back to Moscow and continued minding his own business.

And even if, hypothetically, Moscow managed to bring some pro-Russian force to power in Armenia, it would be unable to offer it serious protection from Azerbaijan. Baku would force those «pro-Russian politicians» to follow its line just as easily.

Erdogan threatens military action against Israel, MK calls him a ‘megalomaniac

The Jerusalem Post
April 13 2026

Turkey could take military action against Israel if necessary, Erdogan warns, drawing comparisons to past interventions in Karabakh and Libya.

ByTOBIAS SIEGALAPRIL 12, 2026 16:55

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Sunday accused Israel of carrying out atrocities against Palestine and Lebanon and threatened potential military action against the Jewish state, similar to its past interventions in Karabakh and Libya.

“The blood-stained genocide network continues to kill innocent children, women, and civilians without any rule or principle, ignoring all kinds of human values,” Erdogan alleged while addressing the International Asia-Political Parties Conference in Istanbul.

“Despite the ceasefire, Israel has forced 1.2 million Lebanese to leave their homes due to attacks on civilian settlements,” Erdogan said, despite both Israel and the United States rejecting claims of Lebanon being included in the current ceasefire with Iran. Erdogan went on to describe Israeli actions as “barbaric,” while citing a controversial law recently passed by the Knesset to approve death penalties against terrorists, which the Turkish leader said was meant “only for Palestinian prisoners.” 

Responding to reporters later in the day, Erdogan escalated his rhetoric even further, suggesting that Ankara could choose to engage with Israel militarily.

“We must be strong to prevent Israel from doing this to Palestine,” Erdogan said. “Just as we entered Karabakh, just as we entered Libya, we will do the same to them,” he stated. “There is nothing to prevent us from doing it. We just need to be strong so that we can take these steps.”

Erdogan’s harsh rhetoric is part of his ongoing narrative attempting to position Turkey as a staunch defender of Palestinian rights.

Responding to his comments, Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu (Otzma Yehudit)sharply condemned Erdogan’s remarks and moral high ground and accused the Turkish leader of hypocrisy, noting Turkey’s history of territorial aggression in Cyprus and its treatment of minorities, particularly the Kurds.

“Turkey, which conquered Northern Cyprus and controls Kurdish territories in the east, dares to lecture us on morality. Turkey, which built its economy on the Armenian Genocide, dares to accuse us of genocide. Turkey, which enforces Islamization by force, dares to speak about human rights,” Eliyahu said in a statement.

“The hypocritical Erdogan doesn’t impress anyone with this current circus,” he continued, describing the Turkish president as a “megalomaniacal dictator” with “imperialist ambitions” who sees himself as “an Ottoman Sultan while being no more than a pathetic tyrant of a country with a collapsing economy and a dead democracy.”

Eliyahu’s remarks went further than only criticizing Erdogan, implying that it was time for Israel and Turkey to “close this sad chapter of relations” and vowing to bring a proposal before the Israeli government to sever diplomatic ties with Turkey completely.

In his post, Eliyahu shared what appears to be an AI-edited image depicting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu planting an Israeli flag on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, while Erdogan is shown bending at Netanyahu’s feet, possibly referencing Erdogan’s controversial past statements asserting that Jerusalem belongs to Turkey. 

Escalation follows Turkish indictment against Israeli lawmakers 

The heated exchange follows a Friday decision by a Turkish court to indict Netanyahu and 35 other Israeli officials, including Defense Minister Israel Katz and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, for their role in the naval interception of the October 2025 “Sumud” Gaza flotilla. Istanbul’s chief prosecutor accused those indicted of having been involved in a military operation against civilians in international waters.

The flotilla’s participants, including prominent activists like Greta Thunberg, were detained by Israeli authorities, and the fallout led to Turkey’s decision to issue arrest warrants for Netanyahu and others.

This indictment, which seeks lengthy prison sentences for those involved in the flotilla interception, has escalated tensions. Erdogan’s government claims to be upholding international law by holding Israeli officials accountable, while Israeli officials, including Netanyahu and Katz, have responded by labeling Erdogan as a “paper tiger” and accusing him of hypocrisy and complicity in regional conflicts.

Netanyahu, Katz, and Ben-Gvir all responded to the indictment on Saturday in separate posts on X/Twitter, with Netanyahu accusing Erdogan of having “massacred his own Kurdish citizens” and Ben-Gvir posting, “Erdogan, do you understand English? F*ck you.”

Turkey’s Foreign Ministry responded to said posts by accusing Netanyahu of being “the Hitler of our time.”

The Jerusalem Post Staff contributed to this report. 

Armenian PM: Rail exports through Georgia remain viable until Trump Route rail

1TV, Georgia
April 13 2026
Armenian PM: Rail exports through Georgia remain viable until Trump Route rail link with Azerbaijan is reopened

“Rail exports through Georgian territory will remain possible until the railway connection with Azerbaijan is reopened under the Trump Route project. This is of considerable importance,” Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has stated.

According to the Armenian Prime Minister, this railway will never be closed, meaning it constitutes a reliable route for both imports and exports.

Pashinyan further asserted that Armenia has today broken through its blockade, as the rail transit of freight to Armenia via Azerbaijan has become possible and is already underway.

“We are entering an entirely new stage of economic development, and this is bound up with the peace process established between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We expect significant developments in the near future, connected with the launch of the Trump Route project above all, which has been designed to deliver Armenia’s final and complete release from its blockade,” Pashinyan said.

Woman sets record with 84 squats in one minute at 20-metre-high fortress in Ar

MSN
April 13 2026
Story by Edited by Astitva Raj

A remarkable fitness achievement has been recorded in Armenia, where a woman set a new benchmark by performing an impressive number of squats in just one minute. The accomplishment highlights strength, endurance, and determination.

Record-Breaking Performance

Mari Davtyan achieved a total of 84 squats in one minute, setting a new record in the female category. She completed the challenge at Talin Fortress, located in the Aragatsotn region of Armenia.

This performance was performed at a height of 20 meters at a historic site, making this achievement even more special.

Watch Video Here:

https://x.com/GWR?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E2042606148604313919%7Ctwgr%5Eaecc6f82c96c7ba4f2099763c74e8d8bb6593747%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.msn.com%2Fen-in%2Fhealth%2Fhealth-news%2Fwoman-sets-record-with-84-squats-in-one-minute-at-20-metre-high-fortress-in-armenia%2Far-AA20JXZH%3Fcvid%3D69dd27e65ecd492eb8e10f7f43aa8437ocid%3Dhpmsn

Precision And Endurance

Mari completed all 84 squats within one minute with complete precision and control. Her strength and perfect technique were evident throughout her performance.

Event Details And Rules

This record was set on August 22, 2025. Under the rules of this category, only those 16 years of age or older were allowed to apply.

Mari’s achievement is a shining example in the field of fitness, demonstrating what can be achieved through hard work, dedication, and discipline.



Davit’s condition is critical at the moment: a group of mothers are staging a

Aysor, Armenia
April 13 2026

A group of mothers are staging a sit-in in front of the Prosecutor General’s Office, demanding the release of Davit Minasyan, who was detained in connection with the incident at the St. Anna Church.

One of them, Marianna Zargaryan, told reporters that she has a son the same age as Davit and came to support him. “I learned about the sit-in from Facebook. I was supposed to be at that church on Palm Sunday, but plans changed – we went to a different church – and then I learned that such a provocation had occurred.”

One of the parents said the action is scheduled to last a week, from 11:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. “I am starting the sit-in alone and I call on all mothers who are not indifferent to Davit Minasyan’s life to join and support him. Even a few minutes will be enough.”

She noted that they are demanding an impartial investigation from the Prosecutor General and that Davit be allowed to receive treatment at home: “Davit’s condition is critical at the moment.”

Decision to lift the preventive measure applied to His Holiness Karekin II not

Aysor, Armenia
April 13 2026

The Criminal Court of First Instance of Yerevan, presided over by Judge Ani Danielyan, has upheld the defense appeal submitted by the lawyer of the Catholicos of All Armenians.

According to the court’s ruling, the preventive measure applied to the Catholicos of All Armenians is subject to lifting.

Lawyer and representative of the Mother See, Ara Zohrabyan, told Aysor.am that the court’s decision has not yet been implemented.

“I am sure that the Prosecutor’s Office will appeal this decision and will do everything to prevent the court’s ruling from being enforced,” Zohrabyan said.

When asked whether the decision to lift the preventive measure could be seen as a sign of justice, the representative of the Mother See responded that there is always hope for justice.

“Unfortunately, some judges blindly make decisions that are pleasing to the authorities. However, there are also judges who are guided by the law. This, of course, increases hope for justice,” Zohrabyan emphasized.

The Prosecutor General’s Office later confirmed to Aysor.am that it will file an appeal against the ruling.

As a reminder, His Holiness the Catholicos of All Armenians is in the status of a defendant. He is accused of obstructing the execution of a judicial act requiring Arman Saroyan to be reinstated as Primate of the Masyatsotn Diocese. A travel ban has been applied as a preventive measure.